Louise Arbour: ex-UN High Commissioner for Human Rights is STILL a WAR CRIMINAL

Louise Arbour: ex-UN High Commissioner for Human Rights is STILL a WAR CRIMINAL

[The Fascist snake is chewing on its own tail again, its Olympian fangs penetrating its delicate, morally tender nether reaches. The Olympic Movement and the Human Rights Movement, both going French domestic concerns, can't figure out how to optimize the public exposure of their phat sponsors, from General Electric to IBM to Sony and McDonald's, without either boycotting themselves or declaring that unprovoked military aggression and targeted assassination leading to mass slaughter are the protected rights of certain higher, stronger and faster geopolitical powers.

The instrumentalization of Human Rights by global Fascism became a whole lot clearer to the learning-resistant here at CM/P (where it takes a heap of evidence to make a point a point) in the spring and summer of 2002, right after the bloody IDF incursions into the Jenin and Nablus refugee camps, and at the time of the UN Human Rights confab in Durban, South Africa. I was coaching woman at the Ministry of Justice here in Paris, a judge who headed up the French delegation to this annual gathering of the elite enemies of, as well as the masses of brow-beaten apologists for, popular, rational and decent governance. The Herald Trib had just come out with an article stating that the Palestinians were planning to put into the agenda a discussion of 'Zionism as Racism'. Were this to happen, the Trib went on, the US and Israeli delegations would stand up and walk out. Neither of these nuclear powers was represented on the UN Human Rights Commission, the US having just been invited off and replaced by Lybia or Syria or Cuba, you know, the sort of places Americans like to piss themselves laughing over, getting all facetious about those 'slave states' that impose mass-healthcare and mass-education on their people, driving over their precious Human Rights to government-subsidized mass-superstition and ineffectual, restrictive political discourse, all toward the securing of mass exploitation.

But France had always been very big on, very serious about Human Rights (they figure they invented the stuff, call it Les Droits de l'Homme—though by now it really should've been sharpened down to Les Droits des Hommes d'Affaire--cvd, The Rights of Businessmen). So I figured, even with Lionel 'old train' Jospin, their Trotzi PM, having recently betrayed the PLO to their occupiers, the French would lend an ear to Arafat's plea for relief from Israel’s torture and murder of any possible Palestinian state.

But when I put it to my charge, when I asked Mme le juge how the French delegation would come down on this issue of 'Zionism as Racsim', she coldly told me that her people would follow the Americans and Israelis right out the room—and that they did. All principles aside (which is where the French traditionally prefer to put them when faced with the chiseled Arian jaws of hope-to-kill-your-mama Fascists), it's better for Business to stand with the US and Israel than with a few million Palestinians who have all the medal prospects of a 300 lb pole-vaulter.

And then, again, in the Spring of 2003, right after Bush went all 'shlock and awe' on Iraq, and Jack Chirac and his Foreign Minister, Dominique de Villepin, made great gobs of public statements about how the US invasion was 'wrong'[*] and would receive no French support, at that year’s UNHR conference in Geneva, when the Human Rights of the Iraqi people was brought up for discussion, the French delegation pulled the same gutless move, trailing the US and Israel out of the meeting.

[* It seems what the French meant by the invasion's being 'wrong' was that it was badly scheduled, just as the French were finishing off a big, big money energy deal with the Russians, and that at that very moment Putin’s package was being transferred through some Iraqi plumbing, and it was all just the worst timing, you know. A couple weeks either way and the French military would’ve been in the troop carrier with all four feet, just as it was, and continues to be, in Afghanistan.]

So, this brings us around to our WAR CRIMINAL du jour, Canadian jurist Louise Arbour, recently retired as UN High Commissioner for, of all things, Human Rights. Given the . . . eh, irony that suffuses its lexicon, I doubt the UN could have found a better candidate to fill this post than she who had aided and abetted the cover-up of the bloody annihilation of the Rwandan and Yugoslav socialist experiments, and, in so doing, drenched herself in enough innocent blood to qualify for the Pantheon of Fascist vampirism.

Below you will read testimony to Me Arbour's ignominy from our MoD, Me Chris Black, who currently faces her legacy of hypocrisy and evasion at the Arusha Tribunal in his defense of our General Augustin Ndindiliyimana, as well as from her own ICTR investigator, Me Michael Hourigan, one of the earliest gum shoes officially to discover (however paritially) the real perpetrators of the Rwandan horrors.

But as is their wont, Fascists are seldom officially removed from office for their real crimes—because their real crimes implicate the rest of the world’s leaders. Arbour is said to have resigned because of the lame duck (or just lame-assed) Bush administration's human rights violations—specifically the permitting of mass rape in places like Rwanda, Congo, Bosnia and Sudan (Darfur) in its pursuit of all out war.

In an article by David Rosen, posted 14 April 2008 to CounterPunch and linked at the ever-more craven and obsequious WayneMadsenReport, with its little fluttering Tibetan flag out front seeming to proclaim, 'Here at WMR, we may be bought-off, business-friendly weenies, but we fight Fascism with fascism!', Arbour is defended as having struggled against the spread of rape in the various war zones of the world. That the use of rape as a weapon of war, like the Ukrainian famine-genocide of 1932-34 or the correlation of HIV and AIDS (esp in Africa), was debunked long ago (for the case against rape in Bosnia see Diana Johnstone’s Fools Crusade: Yugoslavia, NATO and Western Delusions, Pluto Press, London, 2002, pp 74, 78-91, 175) doesn't seem to have phased Rosen or the kids at CP (or Madsen, of the 'murderous Hutu' sobriquet, for that matter), as they keep laying on the ancient, unsupported stats, and the sordid titillation that marks North American geopolitical analysis, from bj's in the Oval Office while Slavs and Africans are being slaughtered to pricey pussy stings against government officials found to be interfering with the final evisceration of the public weal by the insatiable parasites of Wall St, as about as relevant to current life as a CPR expert at a beheading.

Here are a few lines from Rosen:

>>Two additional examples document the growing use of sexual terror on women and girls since the end of the Cold War. In Rwanda, the UN estimated that as many as 500,000 women and girls suffered brutal forms of sexual violence, including gang rape and sexual mutilation, of which many were infected with HIV/Aids. In Bosnia, more than 40,000 Muslim women were estimated to have been raped and some impregnated girls were forced to bear "the enemy's" child. These examples suggest the increased use of rape as a technique of total warfare. . . .

Louise Arbour's decision to resign her UN position is testament to how Bush administration policies of total war are fostering international moral crises.<<

Funny that the UN should be able to clock all those rapes and excisions and the transmission of a virus for which there is little or no testing in Africa, but not be able to figure out why the plane carrying two democratically-elected Hutu presidents, Juvenal Habyarimana of Rwanda and Cyprien Ntaryamira of Burundi, 'crashed' on 6 April 1994. And this dumb show of Fascists turning on Fascists—as if Bush and his posse, as removed from the determining influences of the industries of global destruction, had really been the instigators of the current 'all-out war' (and by replacing this one full-spectrum nitwit we might get some kind of moral restart to our moribund marathon)—creates a false sense of critical opposition within the sclerotic forces of domination (like the false sense of competition engendered in the Olympics) and merely prolongs and exacerbates the continuing devitalization (that's French for 'killing') of the human race—the real essence of the Olympics since the divine Baron de Coubertin got the modern games up and goose-stepping back in the late 20s and early 30s. (see my mainest man Duci Simonovic on all matters Olympian—he’s all over this blog) —mc]

********************************


"LOUISE ARBOUR IS A WAR CRIMINAL" -
(Canadian Broadcasting Co. Comments March 26, 2008)

Louise Arbour is a war criminal and it is time the Canadian people
were made aware of the truth about this corrupt woman.

The CBC knows the truth about her but hides this truth from the
Canadian people.

Arbour is responsible for covering up the murders of the President of
Rwanda, the President of Burundi and many other persons who were
assassinated on April 6th, 1994, by the Rwanda Patriotic Front with the
assistance of the UN, the US, Canada and Belgium. As Chief Prosecutor
for the Rwanda War Crimes Tribunal, she ordered an investigation into
the shoot-down of the presidential plane carrying those people. In
1997, she was informed by her chief of investigations, Michael Hourigan,
an Australian lawyer, and his team, including FBI agent Jim
Lyons and Canadian police officers assigned to their unit, that it was
the RPF who had shot down the plane and massacred all those people.
The murder of a head of state during war is a war crime. That massacre
was the first massacre in Rwanda in 1994. Hourigan informed Arbour of
this. But instead of indicting Paul Kagame and the RPF men who had
murdered all those people she ordered Hourigan to come to The Hague
where she told him to kill the investigation and to burn his notes.

This makes her an accessory to mass murder and a war criminal. She
did this on the instructions of the US government in violation of her oath
to be independent as prosecutor. Once she proved her reliablity to the
Americans, that is, that she was corrupt and willing to cover up those
responsible for mass murder, she was then used to lay false war crimes
charges against Milosevic in order to prolong the war against Yugoslavia.

Since then she has remained silent about the human rights abuses
committed by the Americans in Iraq, Afghanistan, and their use of
torture and secret prisons around the world.

Louise Arbour is a criminal, corrupt, a shame to all Canadians. The
sooner she is indicted and thrown in prison the better.

Wake up people. You are all being fooled.

Christopher Black
Barrister
Lead Counsel
Rwanda War Crimes Tribunal




*AFFIDAVIT*


I, **MICHAEL* ANDREW *HOURIGAN** Lawyer of 61-63 Carrington Street
Adelaide 5000 in the State of South Australia Solicitor *MAKE OATH AND
SAY* as follows:

1. I am a qualified legal practitioner in the State of South Australia.
I was also a former police detective before completing a law degree in
1995 after which time I took up a post as a Crown Prosecutor with the
Director of Public Prosecutions (D.P.P. Adelaide).


1. In April, 1996 I left the D.P.P. in Adelaide and took up a position
as an investigator with the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda.


1. Soon after my arrival in Rwanda I was put made a team leader in
charge of a team consisting of about 20 members and the team was to be
known as ‘the National Team’.


1. I was directed by Judge Richard Goldstone (the then Chief
Prosecutor) and Judge Honoré Rakotomana (the then ICTR Prosecutor) and
Mr. Alphonse Breau (the then Director of Investigations) to focus my
teams investigations on the following matters:-

1. 1. investigate the criminal conduct of Colonel Theoneste Bagosora
and then locate and arrest him;

2. investigate the criminal conduct of Colonel Anatole Nsengiyumva
and then locate and arrest him;

3. investigate the murder of thousands of Rwandan elite in the
first days of the genocide by the Rwandan Presidential Guard.

4. identify the person(s) responsible for the fatal rocket attack
on 6 April 1994 killing President Habyarimana and all others on board;


1. Together with my investigators we conducted investigations into
these matters throughout the next year. During the course of 1996 I was
called upon to brief Judge Goldstone and then his replacement Judge
Louise Arbour and other senior prosecutors on the progress of our
investigations into Bagosora, Nsengiyumva, the Presidential Guard and
the rocket attack upon President Habyarimana’s aircraft.


1. At no time did Judge Goldstone, Judge Arbour or any other member of
the ICTR ever indicate to me that our investigations into the downing
of the President Habyrimana’s aircraft were outside the ICTR mandate.
On the contrary, it was made clear to me that the rocket attack upon the
President’s aircraft we were investigating was an act of
international terrorism which clearly fell within the ICTR statute
Article 4 Violations of Article 3 common to the Geneva Conventions:-

* *Article 4: Violations of Article 3 common to the Geneva Conventions
and of Additional Protocol II *

* The International Tribunal for Rwanda shall have the power to prosecute
persons committing or ordering to be committed serious violations of
Article 3 common to the Geneva Conventions of 12 August 1949 for the
Protection of War Victims, and of Additional Protocol II thereto of 8
June 1977. These violations shall include, but shall not be limited to:

* a) Violence to life, health and physical or mental well-being of
persons, in particular murder, as well as cruel treatment such as torture,
mutilation or any form of corporal punishment;

* b)


* c)


* d) Acts of terrorism;


* e)


* f)


* g)


* h)


1. I am pleased to say that the National Team was successful and we
achieved the following results:-

1. Located, arrested and charged Colonel Theoneste Bagosora with
Genocide and Crimes Against Humanity;

2. Located, arrested and charged Colonel Anatole Nsengiyumva
Genocide and Crimes Against Humanity;

3. Gathered evidence against senior members of the Presidential
Guard in relation to the killings of key Rwandan citizens,
including but not limited to, UNAMIR-protected VIPS, Justice
Joseph Kavaruganda, (President of the Constitutional Court) and Vice
President Lando Ndasingwa (the head of the Parti liberal);

4. In late January or early February 1997, members of the National
Team were approached by three (3) informants (either former or
serving member of the R.P.F.), claiming direct involvement in the 1994
fatal rocket attack upon the President’s aircraft. Their evidence
specifically implicated the direct involvement of President Paul
Kagame, members of his administration and military.
The informants also advised that the Kagame administration was
actively involved in covert operations aimed at murdering high profile
expatriate Rwandans – one such murder was the death of Seth
Sedashonga in Nairobi.


1. With respect to the highly sensitive information from the three
informants regarding the plane crash, I immediately informed my
Commander, Jim Lyons. My Director, Mr. Alphonse Breau, was out
of the country, and I arranged for him to be told by telephone.


1. The information from the sources was very detailed and seemed very
credible. I was very concerned about the sensitivity of the information
and arranged for an urgent ‘secure’ telephone call to Judge Arbour.


1. Commander Jim Lyons and I attended at the US Embassy in Kigali and I
made a call to Judge Arbour at the US Embassy in The Hague using an
encrypted (‘secure’) STU III telephone. I informed Judge Arbour in
considerable detail about the information implicating President Kagame.
She was excited by the break through and advised me that the
information corroborated some other information she had just learnt
from Alison Des Forge the week before. At no time did she suggest that
our investigations were improper. On the contrary, I would describe her
mood as upbeat and excited that at last we were making significant
progress into the events surrounding the plane crash.


1. Judge Arbour was concerned about the safety of the informants and my
men. I advised her that the informants’ identities had been kept secure
and, if she so directed me, I would arrange for my investigators involved
in the plane crash to leave Rwanda. She directed that my investigators
should leave and I agreed to have them travel from the country on
suitable inquiries in Nairobi. As for me I declined to leave Rwanda and
advised her that I wanted to stay with my team and assist them in completing
other important investigations. She consented to this but asked me to
keep in touch with her while she considered what to do with this
sensitive information.


1. During the next week I was directed by senior members of the UN in
Kigali that I was required to travel to the ICTY in The Hague in order
to meet with Judge Arbour and brief on her on our investigations in the
rocket attack upon President Habyarimana’s aircraft.


1. Some days later I was approached at the ICTR headquarters in Kigali
by Mr. *Michael* Hall, UN Deputy Security (NY). He advised me that I
would be flying to Arusha the next day on the ICTR aircraft and from
there board an international KLM flight to Amsterdam. Mr. Hall asked me
to give him any information that I had on the air crash and he would convey
it to the airport in a UN diplomatic pouch. I then gave Mr. Hall a
single floppy disc containing a memorandum I had prepared for Judge
Arbour.


1. The next day Mr. Hall conveyed me to the Kigali airport where I
checked in for the UN flight. There Mr. Hall and I were told that the
flight was overbooked and that I could not fly to Arusha. Mr. Hall became
agitated and told the UN flight officer that the UN Secretary General,
Mr. Kofi Annan, had personally ordered my attendance in Arusha for an
international connection the next day. As a consequence I was given a
seat on the UN flight and flew to Arusha.


1. The next day I flew to The Hague and over-nighted in a hotel near
the ICTY.


1. The following morning I met with Mr. Al Breau and briefed him on the
information concerning the plane crash. Together we discussed forming a
special ICTR investigations unit based outside of Kigali to investigate
the plane crash.


1. Following breakfast Mr. Breau and I attended at the ICTY and met
with Judge Arbour. Also present was Mr. Mohammed Othman, Acting ICTR
Prosecutor.



1. I briefed Judge Arbour on the informants and their information
regarding the involvement of President Kagame and members of the RPF in
the downing of President Habyarimana’s aircraft.


1. I presented her with a copy of a memo I had prepared entitled
‘Secret National Team Inquiry – Internal Memorandum’ and this document
which is undated is attached to this statement. This document detailed
the information provided by the three informants.


1. To my surprise Judge Arbour was aggressive and questioned me about
the source of the information regarding the informants and the quality
and potential reliability of their information. I advised her that the
information was given to me by members from my team - the National
Team. Those members were Amadou Deme and Peter Dnistriansky. I advised
her that I held both investigators in the highest regard. I did say
that I was not able to provide any advice as to the reliability of
their information as it had not been tested. However, I did suggest
that it was very detailed and this, in itself, meant that it could be
subjected to considerable forensic examination.


1. Mr. Al Breau also expressed his strong view that both Amadou Deme
and Peter Dnistrianksy were highly effective and reliable men.


1. Judge Arbour then advised me that the National Team investigation
was at an end because in her view it was not in our mandate. She
suggested that the ICTR’s mandate only extended to events within the
genocide, which in her view began ‘after’ the plane crash.


1. I was astounded at this statement. I pointed to the temporal mandate
of the ICTR being 1 January 1994 until 31 December 1994, and this
clearly covered the time of the plane crash. I also addressed the
‘terrorism’ and ‘murder’ provisions of the ICTR statute.


1. More particularly I also told her that this was the first time she
had ever suggested that this was outside the ICTR mandate. I reminded
her that I had personally briefed her before about our investigations
into the plane crash and that she had never, ever, expressed a view that
this matter should not be part of an ICTR inquiry.


1. I expressed my strong view to her that these Rwandan informants were
courageous and were deserving of our protection. I cautioned her that
the UN had a history of abandoning informants in Rwanda, and I
specifically reminded her of the UN’s abandonment of Jean Pierre
Turatsinze in 1994.


1. Judge Arbour then became hostile and asked me if I was challenging her
authority to direct to the end our investigations into the plane crash.


1. I told her that I was not questioning her authority, only her
judgement. I informed her that I was her servant, and I would obey her
direction.


1. Judge Arbour then asked me if the memo that I had prepared for her
was the only copy. I told her that it was, and she said she was pleased
to hear that and placed in her office filing cabinet.


1. She then asked me to leave the room.


1. I was extremely concerned at Judge Arbour’s decision and felt that
it was wrong both in law and policy.


1. I returned to Kigali and a short time later resigned from the ICTR.


1. After my resignation from the ICTR I was offered a position as an
investigator with the UN’s Office of Internal Oversight Services (OIOS)
in New York. Soon after taking up my appointment I was asked to provide
OIOS investigators investigating corruption within the ICTR with a
statement re my service in Rwanda for the ICTR.


1. On 1 August 1997 I prepared an internal memorandum detailing various
issues which I felt lay behind some of the difficulties with the ICTR.
A copy of this memorandum is attached here.


1. The OIOS leadership were not at all interested in the memorandum and
they expressed their concern at some of the contents of the document
implicating the Secretary General in some of the serious events in
Rwanda in 1994.


1. I completed six months with OIOS and resigned.


1. I feel that unknown persons from within the UN leadership and
possibly elsewhere pressured Judge Arbour to end the National Team’s
investigations into the shooting down of President Habyarimana.


1. Following my resignation my National Team was dismembered – the
National Team investigations into the plane crash were brought to an
end.


1. I have suffered at the hands of Judge Arbour and the UN because my
career with the ICTR was brought to an untimely and ignominious end. I
was proud of serving with the ICTR, but I felt that I could not work for
Judge Arbour when, in my view, she acted for personal reasons against
the interests of the ICTR, the UN and the world community which we served.


1. I know the facts deposed to herein to be true of my own knowledge,
information and belief, except where it otherwise plainly appears.

*SWORN* by the above named Deponent at Adelaide, South Australia
on the day of November